Acknowledgements

When Fred Cairns proofread a chapter of this book, his brief but succinct comments captured my relationship with grammar: ‘The comma is not endangered. I have added many. Direct sentences are permitted. The word “however” flourishes dangerously and might be pruned.’ There are many, including Fred, whom I have to thank for reintroducing the endangered comma and trimming back the voracious ‘however’. My thanks go to Finbar Cafferkey, Sian Crowley, Katharine Gibney, Alison Gibney (and baby Cian), Cian O’Callaghan, Stephanie Lord, Ryan O’Sullivan, Paul Lynch, Peter McGuire, Paul Dillon, Paddy O’Byrne, Damon King, Tríona Sørensen, Lucy McKenna, Aidan Rowe, Daithí Mac An Mháistir, Bob Kavanagh, Dave Landy, David Robertshaw, Odhran Gavin and Cathie Clinton.

I would also particularly like to thank Matt Treacy, Oisin Gilmore and Eve Campbell, who read early drafts of the book, and Kevin Squires, for his editing, proofreading and map design. Cormac Scully and Eamonn Costello provided many of the pictures and ensured that they looked their best.

Writing a book proved far more difficult than I anticipated. Beginning life as an audio project, various incarnations of this book have been in the pipeline over the past few years, the completion of which would never have happened without Eoin Purcell and all the people at New Island.

The friendship, advice and support of a few people have been invaluable, in particular Stewart Reddin, Grainne Griffin, Carl Robinson and James McBarron. While there are many other people who helped me over the years, I would particularly like to thank Fergal Finnegan for the many hours of historical conversations and encouragement. I would also like to thank Alan Morkan, Dermot Sreenan, Aileen O’Carroll, Andrew Flood and Mark Malone, who have been a great source of advice, support and help along the way.

Fergal Scully deserves particular mention. He has been there through thick, thin and mountains of history books on the kitchen table, not to mention his invaluable proofreading of various articles as well as this book. Since I was a child I have been lucky enough to be surrounded by people who encouraged my interest in history: my uncles Colm and Sean and my late uncle Seamus, and also Mick and Peg Brennan. This book would never have happened without their passion and kind encouragement over many years.

Finally, I want to thank my family: my sisters Catherine and Ruth and brother-in-law Paul, who have encouraged me every step of the way, and my brother John, who has read and listened to countless hours of history audio and relentlessly pushed me to improve, and without whose advice and support I think it is fair to say this project would never have developed as it did. Most importantly I would like to thank my mother Máire, who has given me great support on all levels and who has been a source of inspiration throughout my life.

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Mills, J. (1905) Calendar of Justiciary Rolls Vol. I, 1295–1307, P.R.O.I., Dublin.

Mills, J. (1914) Calendar of Justiciary Rolls Vol. II, 1305–1307, P.R.O.I., Dublin.

Mills, J. (1996) The Account Roll of the Priory of the Holy Trinity, Dublin, 1337–1346, Four Courts Press, Dublin.

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Murphy M. and Potterton, M. (2010) The Dublin region in the Middle Ages: settlement, land-use and economy, Four Courts Press, Dublin.

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Otway-Ruthven, J. and Smithwick, A. (1961) Liber Primus Kilkeniensus, Kilkenny Journal, Kilkenny.

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Introduction

I

Should someone from medieval Ireland walk into a bookshop in the twenty-first century (we won’t even try introducing this fictional character to e-books) they would feel very neglected. The history sections of Irish bookshops are dominated by works on recent history such as the revolutionary period of 1913–1922 or the Troubles. The world of our medieval visitor scarcely gets a mention. As disappointing as this may be, our guest would surely feel worse off if they attempted to discuss medieval history in public. The history of the Middle Ages is so neglected that the only figure of renown is Strongbow, the man who led the Norman Invasion of Ireland in the twelfth century.

The scope of the few non-academic books available on medieval Irish history is generally quite limited. Most focus on the activities of half a dozen powerful families, which is by no means an accurate reflection of medieval society. There is little written about the lives of majority of men, who held no title or land, and even less about women. This book attempts to focus on ordinary people from the period by examining daily life. Indeed, so neglected are these people in history that many of the stories and people recounted in the following chapters haven’t been heard of in centuries.

I have chosen to break from a traditional narrative in a chronological format as I feel it would have limited the scope of the book. While the second part of this introduction outlines a brief history of Anglo-Norman Ireland, I have structured the book itself around twenty-two independent chapters, each focusing on some aspect or person from medieval Ireland. While some are related, others have little in common save that they explore some aspect of medieval daily life.

There are also chapters that address universal themes, which crop up again and again throughout the book. Violence, famine and the Black Death were so all consuming and life changing (or ending) that it would be remiss not to refer to them constantly. It would be akin to writing a history of twentieth-century Europe and trying to avoid repeatedly mentioning World War Two.

The book is dominated by stories from the Anglo-Norman Colony in Ireland in the late thirteenth and early fourteenth centuries. This is inevitable for several reasons. Any medieval historian is naturally directed to this time period because it is covered by the greatest amount of in-depth contemporary sources. Coincidentally, it also happens to be arguably the most important period of medieval Irish history. The Norman colony in Ireland reached its geographical zenith in around 1270 and its economic height in around 1290. By the early fourteenth century, however, it was gripped by a crisis that would last at the very shortest estimate for several decades, but in some readings continued through to the 1660s or later.

The focus almost exclusively on life in the Anglo-Norman colony in Ireland to the neglect of the native Gaelic society is largely down to sources. It would be impossible to reconstruct a picture of daily life in Gaelic Ireland accurately to the level of detail contained in the following chapters. With extensive parts of the west, north-west, midlands and Wicklow Mountains outside the power of the Anglo-Normans’ governmental authorities, there are no documents such as court rolls or extensive property deeds from which we could accurately reconstruct daily life. Extending comparisons from colonial territory is dangerous given that the limited information we do have from Gaelic Ireland indicates that there were quite substantial differences between the two societies. Nonetheless, there are many Gaelic Irish people who feature in the following pages, often when they ended up on the wrong side of the law in Anglo-Norman colony.

Terminology and Spelling

To avoid confusion, I have made some minor amendments to some quotations referenced in the text. There are quotes from thirteenth- and fourteenth-century sources, which at times can be confusing due to mistakes in the original text or the use of antiquated spelling. Where I felt that this only served to confuse, and the incorrect spelling had no specific meaning, I altered the word. The best example of this is the changing of ‘divers’ to ‘diverse’.

In the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, spelling was not as precise or uniform as it is today. Names were often spelt in numerous ways within the same account. Where this occurred, I chose one variant and used that throughout. The same applied as names changed through the century. This problem is at its most extreme when Anglo-Norman writers attempted to spell Gaelic Irish names. This has unavoidably led on a few occasions to very difficult names to pronounce, such as ‘Octouthy’, appearing in the text.

While the words ‘English’ and ‘Irish’ at times appear in direct quotations, I have tried to avoid using these terms where possible. Instead I have opted for ‘Anglo-Norman’ to refer to the colonists and ‘Gaelic Irish’ to the native population. The terms ‘English’ and ‘Irish’ have strong associations with modern nationalist political identities that are not useful when trying to understand medieval Irish history, when such associations did not exist.

II

Anglo-Norman Ireland

The following stories, drawn from daily life in the crisis-ridden Anglo-Norman colony of late-thirteenth- and fourteenth-century Ireland, at times lend credence to L. P. Hartley’s aphorism ‘the past is a foreign shore, they do things differently there’. Before we visit what can at times seem like a distant shore, it is important to explain the society in which these events took place: the society of our distant ancestors.

It was a society borne of a brutal invasion of Ireland in the decades after 1169. Many of the people whose lives are recalled in this book lived in a society that developed as a result of that invasion. Some, but by no means all, of the inhabitants of late medieval Ireland had their roots far from the shores of what became the Anglo-Norman colony on the island. Their ancestors had lived in Wales, England and northern France. Indeed, their multicultural origins were preserved in the French and English spoken alongside Gaelic Irish in the colonial towns. The time period this book focuses on, the late thirteenth century and early fourteenth century, was one of great crisis for these people and their colony. As we shall see, violence, war and famine were all too frequent. However, it was not always so; in their early days in Ireland, the Anglo-Normans seemed insurmountable.

Anglo-Norman Ireland began in 1167 when a small handful of mercenaries crossed the Irish Sea from Wales and landed on the south-east coast of Ireland. They accompanied Diarmait McMurrough, a deposed Gaelic Irish king of Leinster, who had hired them. Their mission was to restore him to power as king, but it would end with the conquest of most of Ireland. While they had come from Wales, many of the ancestors of these mercenaries had originated in Normandy in northern France, hence the term Norman. In 1066 these Normans had crossed the English Channel and conquered England, which gave rise to the term Anglo-Norman. In the following decades they had pushed west into southern Wales.

By the 1160s, when Diarmait McMurrough arrived looking for adventurers and mercenaries, the descendents of many of those who had settled in south Wales had fallen from political favour. In this environment they relished the chance to come to fight in Ireland, which offered fresh opportunities. The incentives were alluring; the leader of these mercenaries, the Earl of Pembroke, Richard de Clare, was promised lands and the hand of McMurrough’s daughter Aoife in return for restoring the king to power.

Known to history as Strongbow, Richard de Clare was not among the advance party who landed in 1167. These first invaders initially posed little threat to the Gaelic order in Ireland. Few in number and lacking heavy cavalry, they failed to make a major impact, and Diarmait McMurrough had to sue for peace with his Gaelic rivals. These initial Normans, however, were merely the first wave. In 1169 they were followed by a major force of several hundred mercenaries, and McMurrough’s cause appeared a more credible prospect. Finally, in 1170 Strongbow himself arrived at the head of a force of 200 knights and over 1,000 foot soldiers and archers. Ostensibly coming to fight as mercenaries, these men, many of whom were politically isolated in Norman Wales, started a process that irrevocably changed Irish history. The island would never be the same again.

Within a year they had reinstated Diarmait McMurrough, and Strongbow had married his daughter Aoife. Diarmait did not live long, dying in May 1171, leaving Strongbow, the most dominant figure in Leinster, at the head of a powerful army. Possessing Dublin, Waterford and Wexford, he was an increasingly powerful figure across Gaelic Ireland. Unsurprisingly, this threat drew down the wrath of Gaelic kings across the country.

In the summer of 1171 Strongbow was attacked by a large Gaelic alliance, but he successfully endured a siege in Dublin that lasted for several months. The fears of the Gaelic kings were well founded; later that year any pretext that these men were merely mercenaries evaporated as an out-and-out conquest began. This development was largely due to the arrival of the first English king on Irish soil in October of that year. Henry II, whose domains stretched from Wales through England to northern France, was increasingly dubious about the intentions of Strongbow and his followers in Ireland.

Wary of facing the prospect of a rival Norman kingdom on his doorstep, the king gathered an army and travelled across the Irish Sea. Henry II stayed in Ireland over the following winter, proclaiming himself overlord of Ireland and officially conferring Leinster onto Strongbow, thereby reaffirming their king–vassal relationship. He also went on to confiscate the kingdom of Meath, once home to the powerful southern O’Neill kingdom, and granted it to Hugh de Lacy. Whatever tenuous rights Strongbow had to Leinster through his marriage to Diarmait McMurrough’s daughter Aoife, the confiscation of Meath was an outright act of aggression and conquest. It was to be the first of many – in the following six decades the Normans took advantage of internal divisions within Gaelic Ireland and conquered around 75% of the island. Their advance was aided by the disunity between the Gaelic kings in Ireland.

Prior to the invasion, Ireland was composed of around half a dozen independent kingdoms. Having long contested power between each other, they failed to find common cause against the Normans. This left a situation where individual Gaelic kingdoms fought the invaders often with little support from each other; while they enjoyed some victories, this strategy was disastrous. Having the advantage of heavy cavalry and superior military technology, some of the Norman victories were stunning. John de Courcy led 200 knights and conquered most of eastern Ulster in 1177 while the rest of Gaelic Ireland stood by and watched. Sixty years later Richard de Burgh destroyed serious opposition in Connacht with a fast-moving campaign in the summer of 1235. This culminated in a siege that saw the Normans force capitulation from a fortress on Loch Ce using catapults on floating platforms.

This invasion was not simply a military conquest; the lands that were conquered were completely transformed. This transformation was so extensive that the people whose lives are recalled in the following chapters would have struggled to recognise Ireland prior to the 1170s. In the decades after the invasion their ancestors had transformed the Irish landscape in almost every way imaginable as they carved out the Anglo-Norman colony in Ireland. The Gaelic society that had developed over the previous centuries was almost completely obliterated in the colonial regions. The Gaelic Irish elite were driven off the land or killed. Many withdrew into the mountains and bogs, poor lands in which the Normans had little interest. There they were left to eke out an existence.

***

While this appeared to be an easy solution in the twelfth century, it went on to create untold problems for the Normans. These Gaelic Irish mountain settlements became reservoirs of resentment and ultimately resistance against Anglo-Norman rule in Ireland; events that provide the backdrop for many of the stories to follow. In the lands that the dispossessed Gaelic families had once ruled, the new Norman overlords reshaped almost every aspect of life. They imported settlers of all classes from England and Wales, who carved a new society into the landscape. Castles, of which there were few prior to the invasion, were erected across the island. Towns sprung up on what had been greenfield sites, while new ports were built throughout the country on Ireland’s extensive river system.

One of the biggest changes in daily life was the reorganisation of agriculture. In Gaelic Ireland attitudes to land ownership and farming practices were radically different to those of Norman society. In the decades after the invasion, Gaelic collective land ownership was abolished, and conquered territory was reorganised into manors. These manors, which were both political and agricultural units, became the basis of rural medieval life in Anglo-Norman Ireland. They were populated with herds of sheep and cattle and sown with a wide variety of crops, the surplus of which was exported to England and the continent.

Impressive as this destructive creativity was, it did not happen evenly across the island. While most of Leinster, Meath, large parts of Munster and eastern Ulster were radically transformed, the Norman settlement in Connacht was very different. After the conquest of the province in 1235, the Lords of Connacht, the de Burghs, operated more like Gaelic kings than settlers. After failing to attract enough colonists, they struggled to maintain control over the Gaelic Irish and resorted to taking tribute rather than imposing direct rule in much of the region.

***

While the Normans unquestionably controlled and dominated this emerging colonial society, many Gaelic Irish people remained behind to work the lands. Many lived in collective family groups in the status of betaghs. These were the Gaelic Irish equivalent of serfs who were bound to the land (it is noteworthy that many had lived in similar servitude prior to the invasion). They were joined by large numbers of settlers from England, Wales and the continent. It is impossible to ascertain how many ultimately crossed the Irish Sea, but from the presence of Anglo-Norman and Welsh names in records, it appears that they were substantial in number.

Living side by side, intermarriage between the Gaelic Irish and the colonists was inevitable. Such relationships appear to have occurred at all levels of society: Strongbow married Aoife McMurrough, and later Hugh de Lacy married Rose O’Connor. This pattern continued right through the history of Norman Ireland: in the fourteenth century one of the most powerful men of the era, William ‘Liath’ de Burgh, married Finola O’Brien.

As Anglo-Norman society in Ireland took hold, laws and customs that mirrored those in England replaced the lawlessness and chaos that had followed the invasion. In the absence of the king, the Crown was represented by an individual known as the Justiciar, a figure usually drawn from the nobility in Ireland. This individual enforced his authority in a similar fashion to the king in England. In a world with very limited government apparatus, he travelled around Ireland holding court sessions and dispensing justice. Having the right to declare war, he also organised military missions during periods of revolt or conquest. He was aided in these duties by a council and a deputy-Justiciar. While the machinery of government was limited, there were numerous other officials such as a chancellors and treasurers who were aided by sheriffs, sergeants, coroners and bailiffs in their duties.

While the Justiciar enforced law and order in the name of the king, there were others with similar powers, albeit on a limited scale. By the mid thirteenth century there were several regions known as ‘liberties’ across the colony. These were in effect the property of a given lord, over which it was his duty and right to hold court and implement the law. He appointed a seneschal who oversaw his lands, held court and carried out similar duties to those of the Justiciar. The Church also retained its own liberties. This created a complex patchwork of legal systems, which often competed against each other for the right to try, punish, and profit from court cases.

While the Justiciar was theoretically the most important individual, powerful aristocrats could in reality wield more influence. By the early fourteenth century, for example, the de Burghs ruled nearly half the colonial territory in Ireland. Composed primarily of the Lordship of Connacht and Earldom of Ulster, these lands made Richard de Burgh the most powerful man on the island, and among the most powerful in north-western Europe. Regardless of the position or title he held, there was little a Justiciar could do if Richard de Burgh opposed him. When he engaged in lawless behaviour, no one could effectively restrain him, a problem that contributed to the increasing crisis that engulfed the colony in the later half of the thirteenth century.

While rural liberties were largely subject to the rule of a given aristocrat, the numerous towns across the island were proto-democracies. These settlements were ruled by elected mayors; the electorate was, however, an extremely limited group of people dominated by rich merchants. In the medieval world all rights and privileges, including voting rights in towns, strictly correlated to a given individual’s wealth and property. The concept of universal suffrage did not exist.

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The rights and legal protections the various court systems offered did not extend to the entire population. Many peasants were in effect tied to the land, with access only to a local court held on their manor that was presided over by their lord. If they had problems with him, there was little they could do. Similarly, most Gaelic Irish living within the colony had few rights. While they could be hauled before a court to answer charges, most could not take a case to these same courts. Indeed, a case could be dismissed from the court purely on the basis that the plaintiff was Gaelic Irish1.

While it is tempting to look at this discrimination through the lens of modern racism, it should be noted that the concept of race in the medieval world was more fluid than it is today. The Normans appear to have paid more attention to language, dress and identity than ancestry. Therefore it was possible for a Gaelic Irish person to cross the divide and be afforded the rights of an Anglo-Norman settler, something unimaginable for an African-American in some US states in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.

Crisis hits the colony

During its first century, Anglo-Norman Ireland expanded and was regarded as a success from the point of view of the colonists. Conversely, from the perspective of the Gaelic Irish, the century between 1170 and 1270 was one of unmitigated disaster. By the middle of the thirteenth century, the only Gaelic kingdom that had not been dismembered was that of the powerful O’Neills in western Ulster. Though the colony reached its greatest territorial extent in the mid thirteenth century, within a few decades it would be wracked by war and internal divisions that had their roots deep within the colonial structure.

The feudal society that took hold in Ireland was initially dominated by a handful of extremely powerful landowners who ruled over huge expanses of territory. However, what began as extremely large holdings were divided into much smaller plots during the course of the thirteenth century through a bizarre series of events that saw these lands broken up by inheritance. The most extreme case saw the lands of the heirs of Strongbow, the Marshall Lords of Leinster, carved up repeatedly. In 1245 Anselm Marshall became the last of his five brothers to die. Each of the brothers had inherited their father’s title as Lord of Leinster, yet they had all subsequently passed away without an heir. After Anselm’s death his family lands, including the Lordship of Leinster, were, in accordance with the law, subdivided between his five sisters or their heirs. Some of these sisters were dead with no male heirs, so their portions were divided between their daughters. Within a decade Leinster had been divided into over a dozen claims. This introduced many new aristocratic families into Ireland, whose primary concerns lay in estates in England, where they invested most of their energies.

While this division was not one of the root causes of the later problems that undermined the colony, it did exacerbate tensions when they arose in that some of the estates were poorly defended and badly managed, their owners having little interest in Ireland. There were some, however, who appointed very capable administrations to run their Irish lands, most notably the Bigod Lords of Carlow.

Warfare between the settlers and the Gaelic Irish

While warfare was common between the Gaelic Irish and the settlers during the conquest and in the west, the year 1270 proved decisive when violence broke out in what had been the peaceful region of the Wicklow Mountains. Underlying this violence was an increasingly unpredictable climate with increased rainfall. This damaged harvests, and famine became more frequent. These food shortages forced the Gaelic Irish into action; starvation ensured that passivity was no longer an option. Raids on colonial settlements proved inevitable.

This presented a deeply troubling vista for the Anglo-Norman authorities. Revolt in Wicklow not only threatened the colonial capital of Dublin, but also New Ross, the busiest port, and the crucial communication corridor that was the Upper Barrow valley. While the violence in Wicklow was brought under control in 1282 with the assassination of the two McMurrough brothers who led the revolt, this was a decisive conflict. The underlying tensions that had surfaced proved irresolvable, and by 1295 the region was again at war.